Εγκυκλοπαίδεια Μείζονος Ελληνισμού, Μ. Ασία ΙΔΡΥΜΑ ΜΕΙΖΟΝΟΣ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΥ
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Cappadocian Migration to Constantinople

Συγγραφή : Karachristos Ioannis (17/3/2003)
Μετάφραση : Velentzas Georgios

Για παραπομπή: Karachristos Ioannis, "Cappadocian Migration to Constantinople",
Εγκυκλοπαίδεια Μείζονος Ελληνισμού, Μ. Ασία
URL: <http://www.ehw.gr/l.aspx?id=7995>

Μετανάστευση από Καππαδοκία προς Κωνσταντινούπολη (23/1/2006 v.1) Cappadocian Migration to Constantinople (15/2/2006 v.1) 
 

1. General Outline and Reasons for Migration

The relations of Cappadocia with the capital of the Ottoman Empire started early on and are related with the policy of providing Constantinople (Istanbul) with inhabitants, which was followed by Sultan Mehmed II the Conqueror. Between 1468 and 1474, Christian, Muslim and Jewish populations from various regions of the empire, such as Cappadocia, were moved by force there. In 1477, there were 384 households of Orthodox and Armenians from Karaman settled in the capital.1 The attempts of the state towards the permanent settlement of transhumant populations in the region of Kaisareia (Kayseri) in the 15th and 16th century, as well as the disorder afflicting the region, such as the rebellion of the Celali (1590-1620), in combination with the limited prospects of agricultural production and overpopulation in the 16th century, increased population movements from the country to the cities, inside and outside Cappadocia. The existence of Cappadocians in Constantinople served obviously as an attraction for their compatriots. In the mid-16th and the 17th century, entire quarters of Constantinople were inhabited by Caramanlis.2

The development of Constantinople in the 18th century and the significant changes in the economy and the housing structure of the city created favourable conditions for increased migration.3 The immigrants, mainly men, were involved in trade –thus covering the pressing needs of food–, provided services or became craftsmen. Migration concerned almost all Cappadocian settlements, but mainly those with limited potential for remarkable agricultural production. Migratory movements continued without cease until the early 20th century. What is more, they increased, mainly in the second half of the 19th century, due to the development of the railway and road networks, as well as the general economic changes of that period. It is indicative that in some cases the greatest part of the population was not living in their birthplace.

2. Settlement and Occupations

Cappadocian immigrants usually settled in the same quarters and chose specific occupations. They formed guilds according to their place of origin. Quite often, a large part of a guild came from the same region, which is indicative of the support provided by the networks of the already settled immigrants to the newcomers, who usually worked in establishments of relatives or compatriots. They repeatedly attended the religious service at a specific church of their quarter, while they also had their own priest. Finally, according to their birthplace, they established clubs and associations in the 19th century.

The quarter of the Caraman already existed in the 16th century in Eptapyrgio (Yedikule), while in the 17th century there were Caramanli quarters in Narlıkapı. The Cappadocians were traders, goldsmiths and locksmiths.4 They worshipped at the Church of St. Constantine in Psomatheia. In 1638, the immigrants from Cappadocia were dominating the guild of the bezirtzides (from the Turkish bezirci), while Christians from Kaisareia and Niğde were traders of dry-salted fish.5

There is significant information about the period following the mid-18th century, which reveals a clear differentiation in occupations, according to the place of origin. The immigrants from Sinasos were superior in numbers in the guild of the chaviartzides (from the Turkish havyarcı, caviar seller), while the guild of boatmen (kaiktsides, Turkish kayıkçı) was dominated by immigrants from Ürgüp. Immigrants from Gelveri worked in groceries, butter manufacturing, tahini (sesame paste) manufacturing and oil trade. Those from Anaku, Nevşehir, İncesu, Potamia and Tzalela were grocers, while those from Aravani were either barbers and coffeehouse keepers or traders of dried fruit. The immigrants from Zincidere worked as builders, blacksmiths and stone dressers, from Molu as araitzides (from the Turkish arayıcı, garbage collector), from Talaş as timber merchants, stone dressers and carpenters, from Sivrihisar as grocers and porters. Moreover, Tavlosun provided timber merchants and restaurant owners, Tarsiah carpenters and timber merchants, Tanei tobacco traders and Fertek tavern owners and merchants of alcoholic drinks.

However, economic developments affected the immigrants and sometimes made them change their occupation, as it happened with the immigrants from Sinasos. As soon as they settled in Constantinople, they worked mainly as linseed oil traders, grocers and fishmongers. The latter gradually evolved into caviar sellers. But when the strict restrictions concerning the guilds were removed and the occupation of the caviar seller stopped being very profitable, they became active mainly as traders of colonial products and drapery, while several of them became grocers and drysalters.

3. Community and Migration

In the communities with adequate economic resources, migration was maintained at low levels. On the other hand, mainly in cases of limited agricultural production, the largest part of the male population, at least in the 19th century, migrated to Constantinople or other cities of the empire. In 1834, 49% of the male population of Androniki lived away from the settlement; 34% consisted of elderly persons and children, while a sole 17% of the active population were permanent inhabitants of the settlement.6

The particularly increased migration established a peculiar relationship of interdependence between the migrant community and the places of origin. The already limited agricultural production gradually decreased, while the Muslims started to farm the land of the immigrants either as tenants or as employed workers under the supervision of the immigrants’ wives.

The immigrants expressed their close ties to their place of origin in many ways. Apart from the economic support they offered to their families, they often made donations for the foundation and sustenance of schools as well as the payment of teachers and priests. The donations were made either on individual or collective level, through the guilds. During the 19th century, this role was undertaken by the clubs and societies of the immigrants. However, there were often disputes between the migrant community and the place of origin over the immigrants' jurisdictions and the initiatives in education and elsewhere.7

The immigrants departed and returned in groups; those important social events acquired a symbolic meaning. They were accompanied by a specific ritual that underlined the importance of the event and strengthened the social cohesion of the local community. According to testimonies, before the immigrants' departure the population of the settlement attended service at church, while on the day of the departure the entire settlement gathered and the priest read out a relevant benediction; the rest of the inhabitants honorarily escorted the group of the immigrants to the boundaries of the settlement and wished them a good trip. This happened in Anaku,8 Aravani,9 Zincidere10 and Sinasos. When they returned, the immigrants were welcomed outside the settlement by their family and the whole neighbourhood.11 In Gelveri, riders from the settlement welcomed the immigrants outside the village and accompanied them as an escort of honour. What is more, a type of tournament, the so-called ‘tziriti’ (from the Ottoman Turkish cirit, a mock hand-to-hand combat between horsemen with spears, of Arabian origin) was held in their honour before the banquet, where all the people were invited.12

4. Migration Patterns

Entire families settled in Constantinople in the 15th century as part of the policy of increasing the population of the capital. In the 16th century, two migration patterns appeared: a) young men moving to the capital of the empire in order to find a job, b) settlement, for longer or shorter periods, of entire families.13

However, the following pattern prevailed when migration increased from the 18th century onwards: the male members of the family migrated to Constantinople, where relatives and compatriots already settled there welcomed them. They would work in the establishment or the workshop of a relative or compatriot, where they learned their craft. They migrated at a relatively young age, between twelve and sixteen;14 in several settlements migration concerned almost the entire male population.15 After some years had passed, they would set up their own business, usually together with another immigrant as their partner, or took over the business where they had trained. Some years later, probably at the age of eighteen to twenty, they returned to their place of origin to get married. They remained there for some months, up to one year, before they returned to Constantinople, where they continued their professional activities. They visited their birthplace every two or five, or even ten years.16 While they were away, the establishment was run by their partner. When they retired, usually at the age of 45-50,17 they returned to their birthplace and settled there permanently.

Towards the late 19th and the early 20th century, entire families migrated again and, as a result, the population of some settlements shrunk. This movement took place often in two stages: the head of the family usually migrated first to Constantinople and created the conditions necessary for the settlement of the rest of the family.

1. Αναγνωστοπούλου, Σ., Μικρά Ασία, 19ος αι.-1919. Οι Ελληνορθόδοξες Κοινότητες από το Μιλλέτ των Ρωμιών στο ελληνικό έθνος (Athens 1997) p. 231.

2. Αναγνωστοπούλου, Σ., Μικρά Ασία, 19ος αι.-1919. Οι Ελληνορθόδοξες Κοινότητες από το Μιλλέτ των Ρωμιών στο ελληνικό έθνος (Athens 1997) p. 231; Μπαλλιάν, Α., "Η Καππαδοκία μετά την κατάκτηση των Σελτζούκων και οι χριστιανικές κοινότητες από το 16ο έως το 18ο αιώνα", in Μπαλλιάν, Α. – Πετροπούλου, Ι. – Παντελεάκη, Ν., Καππαδοκία: Περιήγηση στη Χριστιανική Ανατολή (Athens 1993) p. 31; Καρατζά, Ε., Καππαδοκία: Ο τελευταίος ελληνισμός της περιφέρειας Ακσεράι Γκέλβερι (Καρβάλης) (Athens 1985) pp. 139-140; Ρενιέρη, Ει., "Ανδρονίκιο: Ένα καππαδοκικό χωριό κατά τον 19ο αιώνα", Μνήμων 15 (1993), pp. 32-33.

3. Αναγνωστοπούλου, Σ., Μικρά Ασία, 19ος αι.-1919. Οι Ελληνορθόδοξες Κοινότητες από το Μιλλέτ των Ρωμιών στο Ελληνικό Έθνος (Athens 1997) p. 230; Eldem, E., "Istanbul: from imperial to peripheralized capital", in Eldem, E. – Goffman, D. – Masters, B., The Ottoman City between East and West: Aleppo, Izmir, and Istanbul (Cambridge 1999) from p. 157 onwards; McGowan, B., "The Age of the Ayans, 1699-1812", in Inalcik, H. – Quataert, D. (ed.), An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire 1300-1914 (Cambridge 1994) p. 652.

4. It is not clear whether they were new immigrants or the community of Cappadocians created by the policy of colonisation followed by Mehmed II the Conqueror.

5. Ρενιέρη, Ει., «Ανδρονίκιο: Ένα καππαδοκικό χωριό κατά τον 19ο αιώνα», Μνήμων 15 (1993), pp. 32-33.

6. Ρενιέρη, Ει., «Ανδρονίκιο: Ένα καππαδοκικό χωριό κατά τον 19ο αιώνα», Μνήμων 15 (1993), pp. 27-28.

7. Γεωργίου, Ι., «Η εν Καππαδοκία Νέβσεχιρ», Μικρασιατικά Χρονικά 1 (1938), p. 456.

8. Κωστάκης, Θ., Ανακού (Αθήνα 1963), p. 339.

9. Φωστέρης, Δ., «Το Αραβάνιον», Μικρασιατικά Χρονικά 5 (1952) p. 142-143.

10. Τσαλίκογλου, Ε., «Λαογραφικά των Φλαβιανών (Ζιντζί-Ντερέ) Καισάρειας της Καππαδοκίας», Μικρασιατικά Χρονικά 17 (1980), pp. 147-148.

11. Σταματόπουλος, Κ., «Η καθημερινή ζωή στη Σινασό της Καππαδοκίας», στο Browning, R., Η Σινασός της Καππαδοκίας (Athens 1986), pp. 57-61.

12. Καρατζά, Ε., Καππαδοκία: Ο τελευταίος ελληνισμός της περιφέρειας Ακσεράι Γκέλβερι (Καρβάλης) (Athens 1985), p. 292.

13. Inalcik, H., "Istanbul", Encyclopaedia of Islam IV (1973), p. 239.

14. There is information about younger ages in some extreme cases. In a census of 1834-35 in Androniki, there is evidence about an eleven-year immigrant as well as an eight-year old that followed his father. Ρενιέρη Ει., "Ανδρονίκιο: Ένα καππαδοκικό χωριό κατά τον 19ο αιώνα", Μνήμων 15 (1993), p. 28.

15. It is worth mentioning the case of Androniki, where the younger boys of large families usually stayed in the village, managed the family property and took care of their parents. Ρενιέρη, Ει., "Ανδρονίκιο: Ένα καππαδοκικό χωριό κατά τον 19ο αιώνα", Μνήμων 15 (1993), p. 28.

16. Indicative for the implications of migration are the words of old women from Anaku, as told to Thanasis Kostakis who interviewed them in Greece: "Our sisters-in-law were widows". Κωστάκης, Θ. [Kostakis, Th.], Ανακού (Athens 1963), p. 151.

17. Αρχέλαος, Σ., Η Σινασός… (Athens 1899), p. 32; Ρενιέρη, Ει., «Ανδρονίκιο: Ένα καππαδοκικό χωριό κατά τον 19ο αιώνα», Μνήμων 15 (1993), p. 28.

     
 
 
 
 
 

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