Εγκυκλοπαίδεια Μείζονος Ελληνισμού, Μ. Ασία

1. The area – historical information

During the Middle Ages, Ikonion was a bishopric see and, later, an archbishopric see as metropolis (from now on: diocese) of the province of Lykaonia. From the Ottoman period survive names of metropolitans of the 15th (Amphilochios, who served until 1488),¹ 17th and 18th centuries (Parthenios, who had participated in the synod under Kyrillos V Kontaris that had condemned Kyrillos Loukaris, Clemes, who succeeded Parthenios, and Silvestros, who served from 1721).² The reference to a metropolitan of Ikonion during the 15th century is not an adequate indication for the active functioning of a diocese, as Ikonio (Konya) is not mentioned as a diocese’s seat in the patriarchal berats of 1483 and 1525. Unconfirmed is also the suggestion of Elisabeth Zachariadou that at some point during the 15th or 16th centuries the diocese’s seat was temporarily moved to Egridir in Pisidia.³ As was often the case then, the celebrated bishop Amphilochios could carry the title of bishop without having any real connection to the province’s administration.

The old metropolis of Tyana has also been attributed to the Diocese of Ikonion (since for a period after 1365 it had been ascribed to the Diocese of Caesarea), resulting in the metropolitan of Ikonion carrying the full title of “Bishop of Ikonion and Tyana, exarch of all of Lykaonia and Cappadocia II”.⁴

The continuous and active functioning of the diocese of Ikonion can be placed during the 17th century. Ikonion is recorded as a metropolitan seat in the berat of 1625,⁵ and from this time forward references to its metropolitans increase.

During the 19th century the diocese of Ikonion occupied an extensive area in central Asia Minor (towards its south side), with an outline which was shaped like a trapezium, included within the boundaries of the larger vilayet of Asia Minor (91.940 kms²), the vilayet of Konya. Its borders had relatively straight boundary lines, following to a large extent the corresponding boundaries between the vilayets of the Ottoman administration. To the southeast, the boundaries coincided with those between the vilayets of Konya and Adana, while to the northeast, the northern-most tip and the northwest, they coincided with those between the vilayets of Konya and Ankara. Then, the boundary line turned suddenly to the southeast, forming a line which cut-off the western areas of the vilayet, Pisidia and Lycia, and reached the Aegean coast east of Attaleia, leaving a thin strip of coastline within the diocese’s territory.⁶

Until the 19th century, the seat of the metropolite of Ikonion was the town of the same name, Ikonion (Konya), which was also the capital of the corresponding vilayet. Here, in the old capital of the Seljuk sultanate, a large town for its time, built in an extensive valley of the central plateau, survived the palaces of the Seljuk sultans, a large number of mosques, 44 in total, as well as 42 medreses (Muslim theological schools). There was also a small Greek-Orthodox church and a Catholic chapel. The town was also the religious centre of the Mevlevi dervishes.⁷

During the late Ottoman period, however, Ikonion ceased to be the metropolitan seat, as this was transferred to Niğde, a town with a stronger Greek-Orthodox element. The town was built 230 kms. east of Ikonion, on three levels at the foot of Mounts Melentiş Dağ and Üç Kapular Dağ. Niğde also boasted numerous Seljuk monuments.⁸ Near Niğde was the town of Kayabaşı and an hour away was Fertek, a suburb and summer resort with a majestic church. An hour away were also the settlements of Tenegi and Aravanio. Northeast of the Niğde was Misti, populated entirely by Greek-Orthodox . To the northwest was Gelveri, a reference point for the Greeks in the area, and further away in the same direction was Aksaray, a kaza seat. This town was built in a wooded area near the large Lake Tatta (Tuz Gölü). Southwest of Niğde was Bor, a kaza seat.⁹

Tyana was a renowned town during antiquity. It was built amphitheatrically at the northern foot of the Taurus Mountains, in a fertile area near Niğde. The settlement boasted ecclesiastical buildings, a hostel and inn, a club (casino) and commercial shops.¹⁰

Returning towards Ikonion, an hour away from the town was Sille.¹¹ Northwest of Ikonion, at the end of a valley of Mount Sultan Dağ and near the lake of the same name, was Akşehir, in a particularly important strategic site during the Middle Ages – as testified by the existence of a renowned Byzantine and later Seljuk fort. In the town survived mosques of the 13th, 16th and 17th centuries, while local tradition places here the grave of the popular philosopher and wise man Nasreddin Hodja. West of Akşehir there existed the ruins of Hellenistic and Roman Pisidian Antioch.¹²

Also to the northwest of Ikonion, halfway along the road (and railway line) to Akşehir, was Ilgin, a kaza seat. It was built in a wooded area, near sulphur springs. Southeast of Akşehir was Permanta.¹³

Southwest of Niğde, near the Kocaçay River, was Ereğli, a kaza seat. The Baghdad railway line later passed through this town. Southwest of Ereğli was Karaman, a kaza seat built in a very fertile area. During the late Middle Ages the town was the seat of the Karamanid dynasty, destroyed by the Ottoman sultan Mehmed II.¹⁴ The name of the area (Karamania), which included Lykaonia, Pisidia and Pamphylia and parts of Cilicia, Phrygia and Cappadocia, stemmed from the name Karaman; the identification of the area’s inhabitants as Karamanlides later came to imply the Turkish-speaking Christians of Asia Minor.

The wider area of Cappadocia is characterized by its unique geography with areas covered with conical elevations of porous rock. These rocky elevations sometimes have a “simple” pyramid shape while others compose eerie clusters that used to feed local imagination. The composition of the rocks, which reach up to 80 metres in height, offered the possibility for the creation of enclosed spaces through the exploitation of cavernous openings and carving into the soft rock. In this way, entire underground settlements were created, often housing fugitives and troglodytes, while in several cases, within these carved spaces were formed noteworthy churches and chapels.¹⁵

In the wider area around Aksaray and Gelveri existed churches and many chapels which were often underground and carved into the rock. This is the area which in Muslim tradition was named “bin bir kilise”, i.e. “a thousand and one churches”. Their existence is mentioned in the settlements of Gelveri, Kenatalon, Sivrihisar, Halvadere, Çeltek, and others. There were also settlements where, until the end of the 19th century, houses were also carved into the rock or were used as extensions of overland buildings. In Gelveri, for example, until 1895, most inhabitants lived in dwellings carved into the rock.¹⁶

The conditions faced by the clergy and church congregations in these areas of the remote plateaus were particularly difficult; relations with their Muslim neighbours were also not without tension. If this ascertainment is, however, a little commonplace in describing conditions within the wider reaches of the Ottoman state with Christian inhabitants, it is undoubtedly worth noting some details of the relations between Christians and Muslims which shed a different light on the broader picture which has been formed.

Apart from the possible relationships formed at personal or professional level, we can decipher an important form of contact among the faithful of the two religions; the monastic complex around the church of St. Chariton near Ikonion was one of the oldest "mixed" sanctuaries. Next to the churches of St. Amphilochios, St. Savvas and the Virgin Mary, there was a mosque which, according to tradition, was built on the point where St. Chariton intervened to save the child of the mystic and deified founder of the Mevlevi dervishes, sufi Mevlana Celaleddin Rumi, from a dangerous fall. It is most probably the "monastery of St. Plato" visited by Mevlana Rumi and his followers during the 13th century for prayer and discourse with the Greek monks. Information suggests that during the 15th century, the church of St. Amphilochios which was turned into a mosque, was a common place of worship for Greeks and Ottomans.¹⁷

2. Population

According to the demographic information published in 1906 in Xenophanes, th journal of the Club of Anatolian Greeks “Anatoli” in Athens, the Christian population of the diocese of Ikonion reached 53.225.¹⁸

P. Kontogiannis maintained that Ikonion (Konya) had 60.000 inhabitants in total, with 50.000 Muslims, 3.000 Greek-Orthodox and 2.500 Armenians. Nearby Sille had 7.500 inhabitants, amoing which there were Greek-speaking Greek-Orthodox who, according to a – most likely unfounded – tradition, descended from seven families from Laconia in the Peloponnese.¹⁹ According to the more analytical numbers offered by S. Antonopoulos, Ikonion had 41.969 Muslims, 1.024 Greek-Orthodox and 1.822 Armenians; in neighbouring Sille, of the 7.500 inhabitants (the numbers presented by the two authors agree), approximately half were Greek-Orthodox who spoke a dialect with numerous archaic elements.²⁰

Niğde, according to P. Kontogiannis, had 17.000 inhabitants, of which 5.000 were Greek-Orthodox;²¹ according to N. Rizos (half a century earlier), it had 20.000 – 25.000 inhabitants.²² S. Antonopoulos presents lower numbers: 10.000 Muslims, 3.000 Turkish-speaking Greek-Orthodox and 2.000 Armenians.²³ Kayabaşı had 4.000 inhabitants, Fertek had 3.000 Greek-Orthodox and 300 Muslims, Tenegi had 4,000 Greek-Orthodox inhabitants, Aravanio had 200 (Greek-speaking) Greek-Orthodox families and Misti had 5.000 Greek-speaking Greek-Orthodox . Aksaray had 2.500 inhabitants, while Bor had 2.000 Greek-Orthodox and 600 Armenians.²⁴ Other sources raise the population of Aksaray at the beginning of the 20th century to 16.000 Muslims and only 400 Greek-Orthodox. The population of Gelveri, from 1895 on, when a significant increase was recorded, ranged from 2.780 to 4.000 inhabitants.²⁵ According to P. I. Kyriakidis, Tyana had a population of 2.000 – 2.500 Turkish-speaking Greek-Orthodox.²⁶

Akşehir had 20.000 inhabitants, Ilgin had 2.200 with very few Greek-Orthodox , Permanta had 3.000 inhabitants with 1.700 Greek-Orthodox and Ereğli had 10.000 inhabitants with 2.000 Greek-Orthodox. Karaman had 6.000 inhabitants of which very few were Greek-Orthodox, who came mainly from Talaş.²⁷

3. Economy

Looking at the map of the territory of the diocese of Ikonion, one notices the vast uninhabited areas, large lakes and mountain regionsö but also the Baghdad railway lineö which sınce modern times runs transversely through the region.

The construction of the Baghdad railway increased the commercial importance of Konya, causing equivalent population growth. According to the evidence presented by P. Kontogiannis, in 1911 the town presented imports worth 13.000.000 francs and exports worth 18.000.000 francs.²⁸ In Konya there also existed a branch of the Ottoman Bank (out of a total of 22 branches in Ottoman Asia), while consulate staff from numerous countries was based at this strategic geopolitical point.²⁹
The industrial activities in Konya included leather processing – there was rich livestock production in the area – and tapestry, which employed a female Greek-Orthodox and Muslim workforce. Konya also produced keçe and gunpowder.³⁰ Near Konya, in the Susma area, there existed mercury mines (33 tons mined in 1908, but only 9 tons in 1911).³¹

The railway facilities (station, auxiliary facilities and hotel) contrıbuted to the development of an uninhabited area on the outskirts of the town, with which it was connected via a tramway. Other areas of the vilayet, however, were not as developed; in Ereğli, for example, to the east of Konya, the Baghdad railway line did not produce the expected benefits. The cost for product transportation (despite the existence of the railway) remained very high and diminished any prospect for serious profit, thus restricting the area’s economy to a local basis.³² Ereğli produced madder, a natural red colouring substance, important in cloth and carpet production.³³

In Sille, the Orthodox Greek inhabitants emigrated to Istanbul (Constantinople) and Smyrna to pursue commercial activities, which they also conducted in their home town alongside carpet production. In 1905 there were 60 looms employing a large number of young boys and girls (favoured by employers because of their low wages).³⁴ A few years later there were 80 looms employing 350 female workers, almost half of which where Greek-Orthodox.³⁵ Tapestry and leather processing also took place in Akşehir. According to evidence for the period 1908-1914 (during which Sille had 80 looms), the town had 170 looms employing 700 female workers, a quarter of which were Greek-Orthodox.³⁶ The fertile area of Karaman produced sweet raisins.³⁷Here and in Aksaray there also existed madder production.³⁸

Niğde had a large, partly covered marketplace where local commercial activities were concentrated. The area was renowned for the production of large, round dried apricots and, in general, had large pastures, fruit-bearing gardens, vineyards (some of which were irrigated), production and export of colouring substances (buckthorn and madder), cotton textiles and blotch. In the town and the surrounding areas, there functioned, according to evidence for 1919, 100 looms employing 450 female workers ,over half of which were Greek-Orthodox. Although the wider area of the mutasarrıflık was suitable for the cultivation of grains, large expanses remained uncultivated without, at the same time, having a particularly developed livestock production.³⁹ This may be due to the difficulty in trading beyond the local market, which was probably covered by the existing production. Aravanio had large areas with orchards and vineyards, while the economy of Misti was also based on farming.⁴⁰

Poros (Bor) had commercial activities. The trade fair which took place there was more popular than its equivalent in Niğde.⁴¹ Poros and Karvali (Gelveri) were carpet-making centres which were created (through the existence of a cheap workforce – particularly of female workers, as mentioned previously) after the increase in demand from western markets at the end of the 19th century. 1905 brought about the establishment of the “Melissa of Poros” carpet-making cooperative in Poros, in a district with communal and private carpet workshops as well as domestic looms.⁴² Tyana also had a carpet workshop, textile factory and water-mill; the area, however, was renowned for its production of fruit, vegetables and pulses, honey, dry cream and a type of cured cheese.⁴³

The salt-pans of the salt-lakes of the vilayet of Konya, particularly of Tuz Gölü, gave a considerable production of salt that reached (according to evidence provided by P. Kontogiannis) 16.905 or (probably roughly) 20.000 tons. The production of salt was an industry exploited solely by the Ottoman administration.⁴⁴ The small industry production of the Konya vilayet, focused on carpet-making, workshops for the production of mint essence (essences de menthe) and sesame oil, as well as water-mills.⁴⁵

4. Education – Culture

Undoubtedly, one of the main roles of the dioceses was the organization and support of the community educational activities within their territory. Often, however, due to omissions, weakness or negligence, there arose problems in educational functions. The diocese of Ikonion is mentioned as such a case.⁴⁶

The town had a seven-class school with 148 pupils, a three-class girls' school with 58 pupils, a boys' nursery school with 96 children and a girls' nursery school with 65 pupils. There were, nonetheless, problems concerning the staffing of these schools. S. Antonopoulos however, mentions that with the establishment of these schools the town’s Turkish-speaking Greek-Orthodox population began using the Greek language more. Sille had two schools, a boys' and a girls' school. Ikonion also had two western schools, one Catholic and one Protestant, also attended – particularly the first – by Greek pupils. Because of the numerous archaeological monuments and findings in the area, in the middle of the 19th century, a local Ottoman official established a Museum of Seljuk and Roman antiquities in Ikonion.⁴⁷

Niğde had both a boys' and a girls' school; the area had several Greek-Orthodox villages (almost half were Greek-speaking), all of which – according to sources - had some form of educational establishment.⁴⁸ In 1884 in Istanbul (Constantinople) the “Nazianzos Educational Society” was established, in order to raise funds for the support of education in Gelveri, which later (in 1909) amalgamated all the guilds in Gelveri and Constantinople.⁴⁹

In Tyana there existed a full communal boys' school housed in a mansion, a six-class girls' school and a three-class nursery school, as well as a small library. The establishment had 170-180 pupils, three teachers, a school superintendent and three female teachers. Also, in 1882, the “St. Minas Educational Society of Tyana” was established in Constantinople.⁵⁰

The fact that the Turkish-speaking element was in the majority among the area’s Greek-Orthodox population was of primary importance during the implementation of Papa Eftim’s plan for the establishment of a Turkish Orthodox church and the winning over of this population. In 1922, the last metropolitan of Ikonion, Prokopios Lazaridis, was appointed head of the under establishment church with the title "patriarch of Caesarea"; however, the inclusion of this population in the compulsory population exchange imposed by the treaty of Lausanne rendered the plan foredoomed.

1. Ζαχαριάδου, Ε., Δέκα τουρκικά έγγραφα για τη Μεγάλη Εκκλησία (1483-1567) (Athens 1996), p. 136.

2. Θρησκευτική Ηθική Εγκυκλοπαίδεια 6 (1965), pp. 859-860, see. «Ικόνιο» (Ε. Κωνσταντινίδης).

3. See Ζαχαριάδου, Ε., Δέκα τουρκικά έγγραφα για την Μεγάλη Εκκλησία (1483-1567) (Athens 1996), pp. 135-136.

4. Κυριακίδης, Π.Ι., «Τα Τύανα της Καππαδοκίας», Μικρασιατικά Χρονικά 6 (1955), p. 347.

5. Κονόρτας, Π., Οθωμανικές Θεωρήσεις για το Οικουμενικό Πατριαρχείο, 17ος-αρχές 20ού αιώνα (Athens 1998), p. 232.

6. See Χάρτης των εν Μικρά Ασία, Συρία και Αιγύπτω περιφερειών των μητροπόλεων και επισκοπών των ελληνικών πατριαρχείων (ed. Π. Κοντογιάννη, Istanbul 1909).

7. Κοντογιάννης, Π. Γεωγραφία της Μικράς Ασίας (Athens 1921), pp. 144-146; Βαλαβάνης, Ι., Μικρασιατικά (Athens 1891), p. 120; Inalcık, H., Η Οθωμανική Αυτοκρατορία, η κλασική περίοδος 1300-1600, transl. Κοκολάκης, Μ., (Athens 1995), pp. 340-343.

8. Κοντογιάννης, Π., Γεωγραφία της Μικράς Ασίας (Athens 1921), p. 150; Ρίζος, Ν., Καππαδοκικά, ήτοι Δοκίμιον ιστορικής περιγραφής της Αρχαίας Καππαδοκίας και ιδίως των επαρχιών Καισαρείας και Ικονίου (Istanbul 1856), p. 102; Αντωνόπουλος, Σ., Μικρά Ασία (Athens 1907), p. 213.

9. Κοντογιάννης, Π., Γεωγραφία της Μικράς Ασίας (Athens 1921), pp. 150-152, 155, 156-158; Αντωνόπουλος, Σ., Μικρά Ασία (Athens 1907), p. 214; Αναγνωστοπούλου, Σ., Μικρά Ασία, 19ος αι.-1919. Οι Ελληνορθόδοξες κοινότητες (Athens 1997), pp. 171-172.

10. Κυριακίδης, Π.Ι., «Τα Τύανα της Καππαδοκίας», Μικρασιατικά Χρονικά 6 (1955), p. 352.

11. Κοντογιάννης, Π., Γεωγραφία της Μικράς Ασίας (Athens 1921), pp. 146-147.

12. Κοντογιάννης, Π., Γεωγραφία της Μικράς Ασίας (Athens 1921), p. 147.

13. Κοντογιάννης, Π., Γεωγραφία της Μικράς Ασίας (Athens 1921), pp. 147-148.

14. Κοντογιάννης, Π., Γεωγραφία της Μικράς Ασίας (Athens 1921), pp. 148-149.

15. Κοντογιάννης, Π., Γεωγραφία της Μικράς Ασίας (Athens 1921), pp. 155-157.

16. Πετρόπουλος, Δ. – Ανδρεάδης, Ε., Η θρησκευτική ζωή στην περιφέρεια Άκσεραϊ-Γκέλβερι (Athens 1971), pp. 63-85; Αναγνωστοπούλου, Σ., Μικρά Ασία, 19ος αι.-1919. Οι Ελληνορθόδοξες κοινότητες (Athens 1997), p. 171.

17. Βρυώνης, Σ., Η παρακμή του μεσαιωνικού Ελληνισμού της Μικράς Ασίας και η διαδικασία του εξισλαμισμού (Athens 2000), p. 427· Hasluck, F.W., Χριστιανισμός και Ισλάμ την Εποχή των Σουλτάνων, vol. I, transl. Φ. Καλογήρου – Μ. Μπλέτας, (Athens 2004), p. 94.

18. Αντωνόπουλος, Σ., Μικρά Ασία (Athens 1907), p. 14.

19. Κοντογιάννης, Π., Γεωγραφία της Μικράς Ασίας (Athens 1921), pp. 144, 146-147.

20. Αντωνόπουλος, Σ., Μικρά Ασία (Athens 1907), pp. 213, 220.

21. Κοντογιάννης, Π., Γεωγραφία της Μικράς Ασίας (Athens 1921), p. 150.

22. Ρίζος, Ν., Καππαδοκικά, ήτοι Δοκίμιον ιστορικής περιγραφής της Αρχαίας Καππαδοκίας και ιδίως των επαρχιών Καισαρείας και Ικονίου (Istanbul 1856), p. 102.

23. Αντωνόπουλος, Σ., Μικρά Ασία (Athens 1907), p. 214.

24. Κοντογιάννης, Π., Γεωγραφία της Μικράς Ασίας (Athens 1921), pp. 150-151, 155, 157.

25. Πετρόπουλος, Δ. – Ανδρεάδης, Ε., Η θρησκευτική ζωή στην περιφέρεια Άκσεραϊ-Γκέλβερι (Athens 1971), pp. 63-64, 85-87.

26. Κυριακίδης, Π.Ι., «Τα Τύανα της Καππαδοκίας», Μικρασιατικά Χρονικά 6 (1955), p. 352; Κυριακίδης, Π.Ι., «Ναοί και σχολαί των Τυάνων της Καππαδοκίας», Μικρασιατικά Χρονικά 10 (1963), p. 238.

27. Κοντογιάννης, Π., Γεωγραφία της Μικράς Ασίας (Athens 1921), pp. 147-149.

28. Κοντογιάννης, Π., Γεωγραφία της Μικράς Ασίας (Athens 1921), p. 145.

29. Αντωνόπουλος, Σ., Μικρά Ασία (Athens 1907), pp. 50, 217.

30. Βαλαβάνης, Ι., Μικρασιατικά (Athens 1891), p. 119.

31. Κοντογιάννης, Π., Γεωγραφία της Μικράς Ασίας (Athens 1921), p. 421.

32. Κοντογιάννης, Π., Γεωγραφία της Μικράς Ασίας (Athens 1921), pp. 145, 148. See also Ιστικοπούλου, Λ., Η ελληνική ταπητουργία και η ταπητουργός στη Μικρά Ασία (1860-1922) (Athens 2000), p. 29.

33. Ιστικοπούλου, Λ., Η ελληνική ταπητουργία και η ταπητουργός στη Μικρά Ασία (1860-1922) (Athens 2000), p. 43.

34. Κοντογιάννης, Π., Γεωγραφία της Μικράς Ασίας (Athens 1921), p. 147.

35. Ιστικοπούλου, Λ., Η ελληνική ταπητουργία και η ταπητουργός στη Μικρά Ασία (1860-1922) (Athens 2000), p. 57.

36. Κοντογιάννης, Π., Γεωγραφία της Μικράς Ασίας (Athens 1921), p. 147; Ιστικοπούλου, Λ., Η ελληνική ταπητουργία και η ταπητουργός στη Μικρά Ασία (1860-1922) (Athens 2000), p. 172.

37. Κοντογιάννης, Π., Γεωγραφία της Μικράς Ασίας (Athens 1921), pp. 148-149.

38. Ιστικοπούλου, Λ., Η ελληνική ταπητουργία και η ταπητουργός στη Μικρά Ασία (1860-1922) (Athens 2000), p. 43.

39. Κοντογιάννης, Π., Γεωγραφία της Μικράς Ασίας (Athens 1921), pp. 150, 158; Ρίζος, Ν., Καππαδοκικά, ήτοι Δοκίμιον ιστορικής περιγραφής της Αρχαίας Καππαδοκίας και ιδίως των επαρχιών Καισαρείας και Ικονίου (Istanbul 1856), p. 102; Ιστικοπούλου, Λ., Η ελληνική ταπητουργία και η ταπητουργός στη Μικρά Ασία (1860-1922) (Athens 2000), pp. 76, 173.

40. Κοντογιάννης, Π., Γεωγραφία της Μικράς Ασίας (Athens 1921), p. 151.

41. Ιστικοπούλου, Λ., Η ελληνική ταπητουργία και η ταπητουργός στη Μικρά Ασία (1860-1922) (Athens 2000), p. 75.

42. Ιστικοπούλου, Λ., Η ελληνική ταπητουργία και η ταπητουργός στη Μικρά Ασία (1860-1922) (Athens 2000), pp. 55-56, 65, 67, 79-80, 95-96.

43. Κυριακίδης, Π.Ι., «Τα Τύανα της Καππαδοκίας», Μικρασιατικά Χρονικά 6 (1955), pp. 352-353.

44. Κοντογιάννης, Π., Γεωγραφία της Μικράς Ασίας (Athens 1921), pp. 166, 424.

45. Κοντογιάννης, Π., Γεωγραφία της Μικράς Ασίας (Athens 1921), p. 166.

46. Αντωνόπουλος, Σ., Μικρά Ασία (Athens 1907), p. 20.

47. Αντωνόπουλος, Σ., Μικρά Ασία (Athens 1907), pp. 35, 210, 213, 220.

48. Αντωνόπουλος, Σ., Μικρά Ασία (Athens 1907), p. 214; Ασβεστή, Μ.Β., Επαγγελματικές ασχολίες των Ελλήνων της Καππαδοκίας (Athens 1980), p. 104.

49. Αναγνωστοπούλου, Σ., Μικρά Ασία, 19ος αι.-1919. Οι Ελληνορθόδοξες κοινότητες (Athens 1997), p. 370.

50. Κυριακίδης, Π.Ι., «Τα Τύανα της Καππαδοκίας», Μικρασιατικά Χρονικά 6 (1955), p. 352; Κυριακίδης, Π.Ι., «Ναοί και σχολαί των Τυάνων της Καππαδοκίας», Μικρασιατικά Χρονικά 10 (1963), pp. 238-245.